There are many examples of close collaboration between anti-war feminist activism and anti-militarist movements in different contexts around the world. Broad feminist values and vision have never been congruent with patriarchal gender order and ideologies such as nationalism and militarism. Feminist theory considers patriarchy, militarism, and nationalism as intertwined ideologies. Feminist activists oppose such systems of gender relations, within which there is the possibility of war. Feminist activists and researchers believe that the tools that feminist thought has at hand to fight patriarchy are also useful in confronting militarism.

Feminist theorists often challenge the essentialist interpretation of feminist peace since simply being a woman or a mother has never determined commitment to a nonviolent ethic. Accordingly, the history of wars has preserved the names of male and female leaders who supported the war.

Since February 2022, more than 8 million people have become refugees because of the war, and the number of internally displaced persons exceeds 5 million. Most of them are women and children[1]. As is typical of armed conflicts and post-conflict realities, the effects of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and war-related forced displacement have had different effects on different groups. A number of reports point to the gender-specific consequences of war. Women’s responsibilities increased drastically. During the war, pregnant women had limited access to sexual and reproductive health services, including safe abortion, leaving women who had been raped by Russian soldiers during the war with a particularly traumatic experience. Since the first days of the war, many incidents of sexual violence have been documented in Ukraine. Several facts indicate that cases of conflict-related sexual violence have been committed by Russian armed forces, law enforcement authorities or penitentiary personnel, both in the Russian-occupied territory of Ukraine and in the Russian Federation itself. According to the report, “in the majority of the cases that took place in a context of deprivation of liberty, sexual violence was used as a form of torture or ill-treatment."[2] The report notes that the actual statistics of sexual violence cases are much higher, since a large part of the cases are not documented.[3] 

Nonetheless, we cannot represent women in this ongoing war just as a vulnerable group/category without agency. Since the beginning of the war, they have actively participated in armed resistance against Russian aggression and various volunteering activities[4]. During the war, women can be seen as active participants in the armed forces of Ukraine in both local and international media sources. According to 2022 sociological research, “27 per cent of women reported intending to join the Ukrainian forces in some type of combat role (for example in fortified defense positions or on the frontline). 69 per cent of women intended to help the resistance by providing non-military support to the Ukrainian forces (delivering food, information, or ammunition).”[5] As Ukrainian sociologist Tamara Martsenyuk describes, women of different ages initiated a variety of volunteering activities: "cooking meals; crafting clothes, medicines, or protective gear; delivering fuel; identifying and helping vulnerable individuals; providing logistics or information; supporting the documentation of war crimes, etc.”[6]

Contrary to the popular belief that women, as mothers, are firstly demanding peace, Ukrainian women (including feminists) are calling for the supply of heavy weapons to end the Russian occupation.

In general, after Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the full-scale Russian war against Ukraine has become the subject of heated debates in many spaces beyond academia. However, in the context of the anti-war feminist movements, the most severe criticism was directed at Western experts due to neglecting local voices and completely excluding Ukrainian local knowledge and perspective.[7]

One of the main concerns of Ukrainian activists and feminist scholars was caused by the fact that Western feminists discussed the fate of Ukraine, often without understanding the perspectives and experiences of the local community. The feminist, anti-militarist debate about this war, including manifestos or open letters created in the name of solidarity, represents a clear example of ignorance of local perspectives and voices.

One of the anti-militarist manifestos, which caused a strong reaction and criticism, was published by the German feminist journal “Emma” in April 2022.[8] The open letter was signed by prominent figures of German culture, including a famous feminist and journalist - Alice Schwarzer, and was addressed to the chancellor Olaf Scholz. The signatories demanded that Germany refuse to supply heavy weapons to Ukraine, which was claimed to be essential to prevent the Third World War. Representatives of both Ukrainian and German society responded critically to the letter. In their view, the content of the letter could not be interpreted as a pro-peace pacifist position since instead of providing military support vital to Ukraine's national defense against a powerful aggressor, it preferred to side with the powerful aggressor, bowing to it[9].

In the Western context, several feminist anti-war manifestos have been released, in which Russia -  Ukrainian feminists believed, was not adequately condemned. It should be taken into consideration that the Western anti-military manifestos did not support the defensive struggle of Ukrainians against Russian aggression despite the extent of Russian aggression on the civilian population. As Tereza Hendl notes, these manifestos helped reproduce epistemic injustice and imperialism.[10]

In another notable anti-war feminist manifesto,[11] the signatories were against supplying Ukraine with self-defense weapons as it supported militarization. The manifesto was signed by internationally recognized feminist theorists from the West (including Sylvia Federici and Nancy Fraser) and authors from the Global South with notable theoretical contributions to feminist theory on gender, race, class, power, justice, and decolonization[12].

In response to the anti-war manifesto, local Ukrainian feminists issued a manifesto – “The Right to Resist”. A Feminist Manifesto,[13] where the authors emphasized the need to rethink feminist solidarity: “We view feminist solidarity as a political practice which must listen to the voices of those directly affected by imperialist aggression. Feminist solidarity must defend women’s right to independently determine their needs, political goals, and strategies for achieving them. Abstract pacifism which condemns all sides taking part in the war leads to irresponsible solutions in practice. We insist on the essential difference between violence as a means of oppression and as a legitimate means of self-defense”.

The critical response of Ukrainian activists and feminist scholars to the pacifist position was published in various formats.[14] For instance, Ukrainian researchers Tsymbalyuk and Zamuruieva are trying to explain in their letter why ‘pacifism kills’. In their words,[15] they share the criticism of militarization, but Russia's war crimes have left them with no other choice. Calling for pacifism will ultimately lead to their destruction:

"Calling for military support has not come as an easy decision for us. Yet, at this point, a pacifist stance perpetuates ongoing violence. Pacifism kills. Inaction kills. Each day of this war means more and more lives are lost – and not only human lives, but also lives of other species, with whole ecosystems ruptured and attacked. Hesitating to support more weapons for Ukraine means supporting the perpetuation of war crimes from the privilege of one’s safety. […] At this moment, non-military aid is not enough. In the case of Ukraine now, it is not an abstract ethical question of supporting militarization. It is a question of life or death, of allowing people on the ground to defend themselves and defend civilians from constant shelling by Russia. Feminist ethics requires a collective responsibility to help the victim”.

Although the antiwar movement in Russia is very weak, the activism of the feminist anti-war movement should still be singled out. Feminist grassroots groups in around 30 cities somehow manage to voice their anti-war position in different ways and spaces, even in the context of the robust repression of Putin's government.   

In March 2022, Russian feminists published a manifesto[16] against Russia's aggression in Ukraine, in which they condemned Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine and occupation. Here is an excerpt from the manifesto of the Russian Feminist Anti-War Resistance: 

“Russia has declared war on its neighbor. It did not allow Ukraine the right to self-determination nor any hope of a peaceful life. We declare — and not for the first time — that war has been waged for the last eight years at the initiative of the Russian government. The war in Donbas is a consequence of the illegal annexation of Crimea. We believe that Russia and its president are not and have never been concerned about the fate of people in Luhansk and Donetsk, and the recognition of the republics after eight years was only a pretext for the invasion of Ukraine under the guise of liberation. […] As Russian citizens and feminists, we condemn this war. Feminism as a political force cannot be on the side of a war of aggression and military occupation. […] We call on Russian feminist groups and individual feminists to join the Feminist Anti-War Resistance and unite forces to actively oppose the war and the government that started it”.

In the interview with a local Ukrainian feminist and researcher, Gender Democracy Program Coordinator at Heinrich Boell Foundation, office Kyiv-Ukraine - Galyna Kotliuk,[17] we talked about feminist solidarity, feminist peace politics, the agenda of global feminist movements, militarism, and anti-militarist feminist ethics.

• Feminists have been refusing to accept the logic of violence of masculinist militarist ideology and as an alternative, have put forward the anti-militarist feminist vision grounded in feminist values. Do you think this kind of feminist imagination has the potential to prevent wars and violence and help achieve the lasting peace?

Of course, emphasizing feminist principles within the framework of conflict resolution and international relations may offer valuable insights and solutions, but it cannot solely guarantee the prevention of wars and the establishment of lasting peace. Achieving lasting peace requires a comprehensive approach that involves diplomatic efforts, international cooperation, and strategic negotiations. While feminist values certainly contribute to promoting empathy, dialogue, and non-violent resolution of conflicts, preventing wars and achieving lasting peace demands broader engagement with various actors on the international stage.

It is important not to juxtapose the notions of feminist vision and feminist imagination against weapons and armies, as in a dialogue between “a tank” and “an imagination”, a tank will inevitably prevail – it is uncomfortable to hear, but that is the truth, and those who suffer from unprovoked military aggression can confirm this. To think otherwise represents a naive privilege held by individuals from Western countries, where strong militaries do exist.

• Russian invasion has caused widespread suffering for civilians; Women and children have faced horrors during the war, children were/are killed, and women and girls have been put at a heightened risk of violence, including rape, and gender-based violence.  Do you think the international response to the humanitarian dimension of war, gender-based violence, and civilian suffering has been adequate?

Unfortunately, I cannot say much about this question, since I am not working directly with NGOs that are engaged in supporting GBV survivors. Overall, Ukrainian CSOs and activists who work with humanitarian aid often point out bureaucracy and tedious administrative procedures typical for many international donors. Bureaucracy often slows down the speed of their response as well as force Ukrainian CSOs to allocate energy and resources to go through all the procedures, which affects their work not in the best way.

• High number of women joined the armed forces during the Russian invasion of Ukraine. They significantly contribute to the military defense of Ukraine. Thus, contrary to the widespread belief and representation of women mainly as victims during wars, Ukrainian women have actively participated in armed resistance to defend their country.

What does it mean for you as a feminist? How does it affect societal perceptions and a feminist cause? 

Could you share more information about who these women are, what are their circumstances during the wars, and whether the system does see and recognize their role?  

As of now, there are about 60 000 women in Ukraine’s Armed Forces, 5 000 of them are protecting the country at the frontlines. It is important to point out that for women – unlike for men – joining Armed Forces is not a mandatory duty, and thus those in Ukrainian army has made a choice to fight against russian invasion. Their active participation in defending Ukraine against russia’s brutal unprovoked invasion deconstructs the very concept of “women and children” in the framework of which women are always portrayed as helpless as little children. Since the start of the full scale invasion in 2022, we have a lot of female “firsts” in the Armed Forces: e.g., first female sappers, first female dog handler and sapper or first servicewoman to complete special survival course (Q-course) of the Special Operations Forces. These changes mark a shift in a very rigid masculine environment of the Armed Forces that slowly become more open to women.

Of course, the problems still exist – the lack of female uniform and protection equipment (this one is about to be solved due to the efforts of CSOs, volunteers and activists), stereotypes about women and discrimination against them are sadly still present in Ukrainian army. However, I would like to point out that now women in the army have something they were lacking for a very long time – visibility; their problems are talked about and efforts are made to address them. Before 2016 women who had positions of snippers or sappers went as “cooks” or “nurses” in their official documents (which was extremely unfair to say the least), which was changes due to the Invisible Battalion campaign. Now, the state of Ukraine recognizes them and their contribution to the victory. Of course, there is still a very long way to go and many problems to be addressed, but we as a feminist community do everything to make Ukrainian women soldiers and their service visible.

• Do you think it is possible for feminists to stand in solidarity with Ukrainian feminists, support their right for self-defense, and remain faithful to antimilitarist feminist ethics and ideals? Are these two positions reconcilable? In what ways?  

I myself has always supported antimilitarist feminist worldview, however, when my father woke me up on 24 February with the words “Galia, wake up. The war is here”, I realized that this position is suicidal in the context of russia’s war against Ukraine. Self-defense is a feminist concept itself: when a perpetrator wants to harm, rape or kill (his) victim, we support victim’s right to defend themselves. In case of Ukraine, self-defense means weapons supplies and military support from the partners. Denying Ukraine the right to receive this support is denying Ukrainians the right to defend themselves in this colonial war for existence. We all know what is happening on the territories occupied by russians – liberated Bucha, Irpin, Hostomel, Izium (to mention just a few names) has demonstrated the whole world the true face of ruskii mir. Rape, torture, humiliation, murder and persecution of women, men, children, LGBTQ+ people, Ukrainian activists are the reality in the cities and villages under control of the russian military. Unfortunately, antimilitary position does not help people who are trapped on these territories or those who were killed by russian shellings of Ukrainian civil infrastructure.

But I do see a great potential of antimilitarist feminist ethics in advocating demilitarization of the russian federation after Ukraine’s victory. russia’s demilitarization is one of the first steps towards establishment of sustainable and long-lasting peace in the region as well as in the whole world and feminist antimilitary approach and expertise are very valid in this regard.

• What can the global/transnational feminist movements change in their strategy to have a stronger mobilization for preventing further wars and violence to reach lasting peace?

I think, what is very important to develop is a kind of solidarity based on informing oneself about the experience of those who suffered from wars and building partnerships and networks. This approach should be based on the principle of intersectionality by recognizing the interconnectedness of various forms of oppression such as gender, race, class, and sexuality. It is important to learn from each other’s experiences without prioritizing them but amplifying and supporting those who need that the most. In other words, such a solidarity should not be built within the West-centered paradigm, in which the survivors of violence and war are often objects of learning and preaching by their Western peers. The survivors should be active agents of knowledge production and exchange, which will ensure their participation and involvement into peacebuilding.

Apart from that, it is important to advocate for gender-responsive foreign policies and peace agreements as well as engage with policymakers at national and international levels to influence decision-making processes. Also, supporting grass roots NGOs and initiatives is a good way to make sure that those most affected by wars and violence are heard and represented in advocacy efforts. Lastly, it is very important to demand the accountability of perpetrators and make sure they will be punished while the survivors will get justice. It is essential to bring to justice those responsible for killing, torturing and raping Ukrainian civilians (both men and women) on the occupied territories as well as military captives of war (both men and women). I see here great potential for global feminist movements to stand in solidarity with Ukraine and demand justice for the survivors.

• Russian antimilitarist feminists issued a manifesto condemning Putin’s aggression early in March. Can it be accepted just as a feminist solidarity rather than the solidarity that comes from Russian feminists? Should Ukrainian feminists collaborate with Russian and Belorussian feminists who oppose the war while transcending their national identity?

This question is not sensitive to the local context. Ukraine has a history of colonial occupation and exploition by russia for three centuries, and the ongoing war is a result of a long tradition of russian imperialistic policies towards Ukraine, which included the suppression of Ukrainian language and culture, mass executions of intellectuals, and the artificially induced Holodomor – man-made famine, recognized internationally as the genocide of the Ukrainian people.

One aspect of this policy was the myth of the three fraternal nations - Russian, Belarusian, and Ukrainian - allegedly forming one nation divided into three branches. It is this ideology that Putin appeals to when justifying russia's aggressive war.

Western activists who persistently attempt to create solidarity dialogues among Ukrainian, Russian, and Belarusian feminists during the war inadvertently reproduce the Russian propaganda's ideological concept of the three fraternal nations, implying that they should be together again within the framework of feminist movements or other forms of activism.

This approach hinders discussions about diversity, interconnections, and the true history of the Eastern European region. It also fails to understand the contexts and challenges faced by feminists in Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus, as the differences between Ukrainian democratic society and the state and dictatorships are significant and require different approaches.

Western activists and public seek constant public embraces, seemingly attempting to assuage their internal fears of change by displaying a sense of normalcy.

While Ukrainian, Belarusian, and Russian feminists understand that the political context now makes events that fit the Russian "three fraternal nations" ideology undesirable, the view of this situation merely as feminist solidarity, without acknowledgment of the history of Russian imperial exploitation of Ukraine (and Belarus as well), reveals a blindness and lack of understanding that good intentions in the feminist movement cannot justify.

• The Feminist Foreign Policy, as opposed to traditional foreign policy, centers on human security more than the state security, while putting forward feminist values; It provides a perspective that helps challenge the global powers that disregard human suffering as a result of armed conflicts and violence.

How can Feminist Foreign Policy be further strengthened and developed so that the humanitarian dimension of armed conflicts is properly considered? How can the FFP be more effective in preventing future escalation of wars and violence?

I think, FFP should focus on anticolonial and decolonial approaches in order to help achieve sustainable peace and prevent violence. In my view, decolonial feminist approach in peacebuilding is to listen first and foremost to those who suffer from aggression (both colonial and military). Thus, FFP can facilitate inclusive policymaking ensuring that women and marginalized groups are actively involved in the development and implementation of foreign policies. Including diverse perspectives in decision-making processes can lead to policies that better address the humanitarian impact of armed conflicts.

Moreover, FFP should promote accountability and justice. It has to strengthen efforts to hold perpetrators of gender-based violence and other war crimes accountable. Promote justice and reparations for victims, recognizing that sexual and gender-based violence is often used as a weapon of war.

Arms control as well as advocating for surrendering nuclear weapons should be one of the main priorities of FFP.

The material was prepared as part of a project supported by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) and Kvina Till Kvina, "Encouraging Conflict Transformation by Critically Rethinking Conflict-Related History and Strengthening Women's Perspectives". SIDA and Kvinna till Kvinna may disagree with the views presented here. Only the author is responsible for the content of the material.