Introduction

The mass clashes between ethnic groups in Dmanisi on May 16-17, 2021, significantly impacted the Georgian media and political agendas. In the wake of the incident, both locals and other stakeholders voiced differing views on the causes of the conflict. On the same day, with the involvement of officials and religious leaders, the parties reconciled. However, per our observations, the residents of Dmanisi, both ethnic Azerbaijanis and ethnic Georgians, are still dissatisfied with the turn of the events, and the feeling of injustice persists.

In analyzing this conflict, we should not see Dmanisi as a separate event but observe the existing civil integration policy in the country as a whole and assess the current situation in this regard. Moreover, it is essential to consider the chain of conflicts between religious groups in Nigvziani, Tsintskaro, Samtatskaro, Chela, Mokhe, Adigeni, Kobuleti, and Buknari and the lack of experience of the state in working on the systemic transformation of these conflicts.[1] In most of the confrontations mentioned above, the authorities refused to employ legal means in relation to specific facts of harassment and violence, which encouraged bias-motivated crimes and created risks of recurrence of conflicts.[2] The government put an end to some of the disputes by relying on informal mediation formats. However, in no case did it work to eliminate the real causes of the conflict, restore trust, and build cooperation between the communities experiencing the conflict. All the more so, in some cases, there are signs of conflict conservation, usually at the expense of neglecting and silencing the rights, needs, and interests of non-dominant groups (Samtatskaro, Kobuleti).[3]   

The conflict in Dmanisi cannot but be understood in the general light of integration policy, which is unfortunately largely formal and illusory in nature. According to research on these issues, acceptance of minorities in the general population is still weak. Most ethnic Georgians often perceive ethnic minorities as aliens, strangers, and troubles. According to a 2021 CRRC survey, 30% of the Georgian population believe that only ethnic Georgians should have Georgian citizenship, while 50% believe that only Orthodox Christians can be citizens.[4]

The participation and representation of minorities in public and political life are of particular importance in civic integration. According to a survey conducted by ISSA with the financial support of the Open Society Foundations in 2018-2019, 70% of ethnic minorities have not heard, or reject, the cooperation of political parties with ethnic minorities in any direction.[5]  After the 2020 parliamentary elections, the percentage of ethnic minorities in the Georgian parliament has dropped to 4%. [6] The situation is more difficult at local governments. In municipalities densely and traditionally populated by ethnic minorities, 779 ethnic Georgians have one representative in the Sakrebulo. In contrast, 1,116 ethnic Armenians and 2,945 ethnic Azeris each have one representative in the Sakrebulo.

For years, the Social Justice Center, along with activists from non-dominant ethnic groups and community leaders, has been criticizing the problematic nature of civic equality and integration policies in Georgia and the weak work of relevant agencies. Our work in regions populated by non-dominant groups shows that, on the one hand, the social and cultural spaces and ties shared between ethnic groups in these regions are weak. On the other hand, non-dominant ethnic groups face challenges related to political participation, access to vital resources, and basic social programs. It should be emphasized that the failures of the integration policy, the ineffective work of the political parties in the regions, and the strict security paradigms, also hinder the formation of democratic policies at the local level and the emergence of authentic local leaders.

The purpose of this paper is to describe the dynamics and local context of the conflict in Dmanisi on 16-17 May, to identify the systemic causes of the conflict, and to provide theory and recommendations for change to relevant government agencies.

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