The suspension of EU integration processes by 'Georgian Dream' and the attempt to establish consolidated authoritarianism led to massive and continuous, self-organized protests by our citizens. The protests spread not only to Tbilisi but also to around 40 other cities. The self-organized protest of the citizens was met with brutal and large-scale police violence by 'Georgian Dream', which, in our assessment, amounts to torture and inhumane treatment, violating absolutely protected rights and the fundamental norms of international law (jus cogens). This practice of systemic violence openly supported by the leaders of 'Georgian Dream' creates a basis for legal accountability of the high-ranking officials of the coercive system and the ruling party leaders and calls for timely and active legal and international response.

In addition to the fact that during these days, police forces are unlawfully and baselessly dispersing and arresting peaceful assemblies, the process also includes detaining participants and transferring them to temporary holding facilities. This represents a severe and widespread practice of violence and degrading treatment.

As public video recordings show, the police and special forces indiscriminately and frequently engage in group confrontations with participants at the sites of gatherings, during arrests, and while transferring to police stations. Since November 28, 2024, more than 400 individuals have been arrested in protest actions, of which more than 350 were on administrative charges, and 28 were processed under criminal justice.[1] Currently, over 300 of the arrested have become victims of ill-treatment, yet no law enforcement officer has been held accountable. This again points to the systemic inaction of investigative bodies and demonstrates that the state apparatus and institutions are under complete partisan vertical control.

Advocates from the Public Defender and Legal Assistance Network have met with hundreds of citizens in isolators and clinics. The majority of the detained individuals are severely injured - they exhibit bleeding wounds across their bodies, have injuries in the facial area, and broken noses and jaws.[2] There are also frequent cases of psychological violence. According to the Public Defender, the injuries in the facial area practically exclude the possibility that the police were using necessary and proportional force in every instance.[3]

Victims have reported to the Special Investigative Service that after being detained, they were placed in minibuses to prevent the media from capturing footage of the violence against them. In the transport vehicle, the detainees were blindfolded, forced to remove their shoes, and made to enter the isolator without shoes. Before being brought to the police station, in the same minibus where multiple detained individuals were held, the doors and windows were sealed and irritant substances were released inside. When a person is already handcuffed in a closed space with no realistic chance of escape or physical resistance, the use of special measures is unjustified and equates to torture. Moreover, the violence in police transport vehicles and in detention isolators, which are fully under police control and monitored by superiors in case of violent incidents, demonstrates that the violence is not spontaneous but rather premeditated and well-organized.

As one of the participants of the action describes, he was trying to help people during the dispersal when law enforcement arrested him. During the arrest, he was taken through the police corridor where they began to mock, beat him, and then dragged him to the minibus, where he faced even harsher conditions. The law enforcement closed the transport doors. Special forces personnel entered and violently subdued each detainee, throwing them to the ground, kicking their faces, noses, heads, and necks. In retaliation for physical resistance, groups of five would rotate in, with a total of about 50 individuals violently assaulting each one. According to the participant, his shoes were taken off in the minibus, which is why they removed them and took them away.[4] Particularly severe is that such forms of violence were not isolated incidents, and dozens of people report similar experiences.[5]

Severe instances of torture allegations were also recorded. For example, the historian Nodar Aroshidze, who was arrested on the night of December 2, recalls: 'They beat us in the head, did not spare us in the car, and subjected us to the cruelest verbal humiliation, threatening us with blinding, beatings with batons, truncheons, threats to our families.

The instances of ill-treatment and torture carried out by the forces are especially evident in the cases involving minors and pregnant women. Publicly available information highlights the case of a hearing-impaired individual who was not participating in the action and was heading home when he became a victim of a brutal assault by the forces. Besides physical violence, his personal belongings, including his mobile phone, which was his only means of communication, were also stolen.[6] It is also disturbing to note the case of police violence against a 14-year-old minor during a protest action in Kutaisi.[7]

The protest actions that began on November 28th also stand out due to numerous incidents of violence against journalists and hindrance to their professional activities. According to MediaChecker's information, since November 28th to date, over 80 cases of interference with media professionals during the peaceful protests have been recorded. Particularly egregious are the instances of violence against Guram Rogava,[8] Mariam Gaprindashvili,[9] Alexandre Keshelashvili,[10] Mindia Gabodze,[11] Giorgi Chagelishvili,[12] and Mariam Nikuradze.[13]

The scale and systematic nature of state violence against citizens demonstrate that the government has completely deviated from constitutional order and blatantly violates fundamental human rights. It is evident that the goal of institutionalized and systematic violence is not the protection of legal order, but rather the punishment, intimidation, and political persecution of citizens.

Against the backdrop where political figures are thanking the police for brutally dispersing the protests and the Special Investigative Service fails to even issue a clear statement condemning violence by law enforcement, it is evident that the criminal actions of the police serve the political goals of the government.

For years, the Georgian Dream government has refused to implement institutional and legislative measures that would prevent excessive use of force by law enforcement and ensure appropriate responses.[14] The Ministry of Internal Affairs lacks a unified guideline document for preventing excessive force by law enforcement officers. Moreover, during arrests, law enforcement officers are not required to have body cameras turned on. Additionally, their service uniforms do not carry identifiable marks,[15] making it impossible to identify offending officers. These systemic factors complicate the proper investigation of police violence and ultimately create an environment of impunity.[15]

Prohibition of torture, inhuman treatment, and treatment degrading dignity is an absolutely protected right by the Constitution of Georgia and international law. Justifying, allowing exceptions, or overlooking such actions is unacceptable. These actions are especially reprehensible when carried out by state officials. The state must ensure timely and effective investigation and punishment of the perpetrators. Articles 144 (1), 144 (2), and 144 (3) of the Criminal Code of Georgia consider strict penalties for torture, threats of torture, and degrading and inhumane treatment.

Prohibition of torture, inhuman treatment, and treatment degrading dignity is an absolutely protected right by the Constitution of Georgia and international law. Justifying, allowing exceptions, or overlooking such actions is unacceptable. These actions are especially reprehensible when carried out by state officials. The state must ensure timely and effective investigation and punishment of the perpetrators. Articles 144 (1), 144 (2), and 144 (3) of the Criminal Code of Georgia consider strict penalties for torture, threats of torture, and degrading and inhumane treatment.

According to the statement from the Special Investigative Service, [16] investigations into alleged crimes committed by the forces have begun under the article of abuse of official powers. However, the Center for Social Justice assesses this qualification as incorrect and it is crucial that the qualification of the case be changed to include articles on torture, threats of torture, and other forms of inhuman treatment, ensuring that the perpetrators are justly punished.

Considering the above, Social Justice Center calls on:

“Georgian Dream” to:

• Immediately release all detained individuals from custody;
• Stop the widespread harassment, dispersal, torture, and inhuman treatment of peaceful citizens;
• Acknowledge the scale of the crisis created and its severe human cost, and promptly schedule early elections.

The Public Defender to:

• Ensure documentation and advocate in international courts and organizations regarding the widespread practice of violence and violation of the right to assembly;
• Ensure enhanced monitoring in temporary detention isolators with the involvement of members of special preventive groups and experts;
• Address the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and request an ad hoc visit by committee members to study the widespread practice of torture and inhuman treatment.

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