The Social Justice Center presents an article by a representative of civil society in Abkhazia, discussing the NGOs and civil activism in Abkhazia. For security reasons, the author’s identity remains confidential. The author reviews the key stages in the development of civil society in Abkhazia, the goals of their activities, and the challenges they face today.

The aim of the article is to promote the inclusion of perspectives from Abkhazian civil society in public discussions.

The terminology used in the text is presented exactly as the author uses it, and it may not reflect the positions of the Social Justice Center.

The first public associations of citizens in Abkhazia emerged in the late 1980s, before the collapse of the USSR. One of the earliest was the "Creative Youth Association" (MTO). The MTO organized large-scale protests against new construction projects that posed serious risks to Abkhazia's ecology and demographics (such as the liquid crystal plant on the Gumista River, which planned to relocate hundreds of people from Georgia to Abkhazia). MTO demanded the closure of existing enterprises that polluted the environment (e.g., the Kindga poultry farm) and carried out restoration work on architectural monuments.

One of MTO's most significant achievements was the installation of a memorial stone dedicated to Abkhazian muhajirs (those exiled after the Caucasian War). Despite opposition from Soviet authorities and party leadership, the youth overcame all obstacles and became the first in the Caucasus republics to hold a public event commemorating the tragedy of the Caucasian War. This established the tradition of holding annual memorial marches on the anniversary of the end of the Caucasian War. By the end of the Soviet "perestroika" era, when democratic institutions were starting to form, mechanisms for civil participation and influence were very weak, and civil activists were vulnerable. Nevertheless, the activities of the first NGOs were quite productive.[1]

The First Decade After the War: The 1990s and Early 2000s

Some active members of the MTO, including the Humanitarian Program Center (CHP) and "Inva-Sodeistvie" (formerly the Rehabilitation Center AIS), began working with the population of Abkhazia as early as 1994, shortly after the war ended. Their focus was on physical and psycho-social rehabilitation. Later, organizations focusing on children, youth, and women were established, such as the Sokhumi Youth House and the Abkhazian Women’s Association.

In the mid-to-late 1990s, the foundation for modern civil society was laid through NGOs. During this time, more than half of today’s active and developed Abkhazian NGOs were established.

Due to the difficulties of communication, human resources, and logistics, the vast majority of organizations were created in Sokhumi, with attempts to create regional branches largely failing. However, some efforts later resulted in independent organizations, such as rehabilitation centers for persons with disabilities and women’s organizations.[2]

International organizations and donor policies at the time significantly restricted the scope of NGO activities, limiting them to humanitarian, rehabilitation, educational, and human rights issues. Lawyers and NGO workers provided consultations to the population. Any work related to legislative reforms, improving state structures, or even education was not funded, and as a result, it became evident that the quality of services provided by NGOs, such as rehabilitation for people with disabilities or legal consultations, was far superior to the services available from state institutions at the time. The state recognized the importance of these activities and supported NGOs. There was regular cooperation between NGO workers and high-ranking officials in Abkhazia, with discussions on various projects and programs.

1994-1999 was a very challenging time for the population of Abkhazia. The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), of which Georgia was a member, imposed a blockade on the country – men aged 16-60 were banned from entering Russia, and only women could move freely, and even then, only partially, as Abkhazians still held Soviet passports from a country that no longer existed after 1991. The economy was devastated, and much of the population relied on humanitarian aid.

International organizations operating from 1992 to the early 2000s primarily provided humanitarian aid in various forms (food and material aid, assistance in farming and sowing, medical research). These organizations engaged local NGOs, particularly regional ones, in implementing their projects. The only exception was the UN Human Rights Office, which monitored the protection of the population’s rights.

Communication between Abkhazian NGOs and the outside world, including donors and international organizations, was logistically supported by the UN Observer Mission (UNOMIG), which provided Abkhazian NGOs with access to email from 2000-2002. UNOMIG's logistical base facilitated the arrival and work of most international organizations and foundations in Abkhazia.

In addition to providing services and medical assistance, some Abkhazian NGOs actively participated in various international programs and projects, including the South Caucasus regional format. They had the opportunity to meet representatives of civil society organizations from across the Caucasus and carry out joint projects.

Despite limited information resources and the absence of the internet, NGOs in Abkhazia tried to be as transparent as possible and informed both the population and government agencies about their activities and the programs and services available to the population. For six years (from 1999 to 2004), the Open Club for NGOs "OKNO" ("Window") functioned, where every Friday, employees of civil society organizations from Sokhumi and the regions, as well as government officials, including ministers, gathered. Additionally, the weekly informational bulletin "OKNO" was published, containing organizational announcements and news. This bulletin was distributed freely among the population (in magazine kiosks), between state agencies, NGO offices, and district administrations. This made it possible to openly disseminate information and publicly discuss various issues. NGOs also participated in several international peace projects and conferences. It is noteworthy that the culture of discussion and exchange of opinions was based on mutual respect, with constructive cooperation existing among NGOs, between the state and NGOs, and between NGOs and the population. Specifically, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Abkhazia was well-informed and supported the activities of Abkhazian NGOs at the international level.

During various humanitarian actions, successful models of coordination between NGOs were developed and spread throughout Abkhazia. For example, starting in 1999, for several years, the "New Year's Campaign" was held, during which, for one month, organizations, businesses, and individuals collected funds and purchased gifts or provided financial assistance to children with disabilities and their families.

Statistics collected by NGOs were often requested and used by government agencies because they were up-to-date and detailed.

By 2003-2004, the relationship between NGOs and government agencies in Abkhazia was based on partnership and trust. Public trust in NGOs was due to the integrity of NGO leaders and workers and the high quality of services provided; the small population of Abkhazia also facilitated this trust.

Conflict Between NGOs and Political Forces During the 2004 Election

The year 2004 was significant in modern Abkhazian history, as the first alternative presidential election was to be held. Ardzinba had no competitor, but his health no longer allowed him to be actively involved in political life. The upcoming election polarized Abkhazian society. The population was divided into supporters of Raul Khajimba, backed by the incumbent president's entourage, and supporters of Sergei Bagapsh, positioned as a "softer" leader inclined towards compromise and ready for substantive dialogue with different ethnic groups and foreign actors. For the first time, professional political technologists were involved in one candidate’s election campaign, which further aggravated the situation.

The difficult political situation and the threat of further complications prompted Abkhazian NGOs to form the "Voters' League for Fair Elections."[3]

Members of the League began discussing potential legislative shortcomings in the electoral and vote-counting processes, potential violations, ways to mitigate them, and methods for monitoring the election campaign. In one of its statements, the League said, "Holding fair elections is equally important for the entire population, which can unite people with different political views. The presidential election is a great test for our society and our state – a test of our maturity."

The League included people with diverse political views, which only strengthened its legitimacy in the eyes of the public.

The League proposed and achieved legislative changes that allowed NGOs to independently monitor elections. In total, more than 200 volunteers were able to observe polling stations on election day. Before the election, League trainers conducted training sessions in all election headquarters for interested individuals to study electoral legislation and reduce potential violations. Transparent plastic ballot boxes were used for voting. All activities were funded by the personal funds of League members. Neutrality, independence, and transparency allowed the League to earn the respect of almost all candidates and the public, which ultimately helped resolve a serious political conflict.

However, some members of Raul Khajimba’s team accused the League members of supporting Sergei Bagapsh because League members documented violations by Khajimba’s voters and headquarters staff, although these observations were made independently by all participants in the process.

Election monitoring continued until 2011. [4]

Abkhazia’s entire voter database was digitized, minimizing the possibility of repeat voting. Relations with government agencies remained constructive, with regular meetings and project discussions continuing.

The work of the "Voters' League" represents the longest, most large-scale, and politically significant joint activity of Abkhazian NGOs.

Political and Financial Difficulties for NGOs

In 2008, when the UN mission left Abkhazia, other international organizations faced logistical problems and also left the country. These and other political factors significantly reduced funding and support for public organizations. Many organizations were left without funding, reducing their operations, particularly in the regions, where additional transportation costs were required. Some organizations stopped working altogether, some continued their activities with the help of volunteers, and some began to provide paid services to fund their core work. For example, the association "Inva-Sodeistvie" opened a fitness center to finance the physical rehabilitation of people with disabilities. However, this was more of an exception than the rule. The period from 2008 to 2012 was extremely difficult for the civil sector, with few new initiatives or organizations emerging. The state and businesses funded individual NGO programs and projects for children and people with disabilities, as well as media projects (mobile operators "Aquafon" and "A-Mobile").

With the launch of UNDP's COBERM program, the funding situation slightly improved, and although the project work was quite limited, the situation gradually changed, and from 2012 onward, more organizations and initiatives received support.

In 2014, Abkhazia went through another political crisis, which resulted in the resignation of the incumbent president, Ankvab. One of the main accusations against him was the passportization of the population in the Gali district.

The new government tightened the law on citizenship and the issuance of Abkhaz passports, which public organizations saw as a violation of human rights. They publicly criticized the government’s actions, resulting in negative attitudes toward NGOs from both the government and some parts of the population. Open accusations of ethnic discrimination were made against part of the population, including residents of the Gali district. The law affected various ethnic groups living in Abkhazia. Human rights activists lobbied for changes in parliament for more than a year and a half, but they were only partially successful.

Launch of Information Campaigns Against Civil Society Organizations

After 2015, Abkhazian NGOs drafted initiative laws on "Access to Information," "Ensuring Equal Rights and Opportunities for Men and Women in the Republic of Abkhazia," amendments to electoral legislation, recommendations for the law on the "Ombudsman of the Republic of Abkhazia," and more. All of these drafts were submitted to the Parliament of the Republic of Abkhazia, and most were adopted[5]. A draft law on "The Elimination of Domestic Violence" was also developed.

Since 2016, there has been an increasing number of publications online aimed at discrediting NGOs. Anonymous information campaigns from abroad were ongoing. In August 2018, at a civil forum, one speaker noted that "In recent years, Russian media and social networks have been conducting a campaign to discredit Abkhazian civil organizations, portraying activists as traitors willing to sell out the interests of their homeland for Western grants. According to many authors, Abkhazian NGOs are a fifth column actively involved in creating and funding anti-Russian opposition, and they are preparing a so-called 'color revolution' to overthrow the current government." [6]This is absolute slander, as Abkhazian NGOs have never called for the overthrow of the government and have supported only legitimate methods, such as elections.

Starting in early 2017, the state has tried to strictly regulate the activities of NGOs and pass a law on "foreign agents," replacing the 2005 law "On Non-Profit Organizations," which regulates the activities of NGOs and public organizations. [7]The law "On Non-Profit Organizations and Individuals Performing the Functions of Foreign Agents[8]" (the latest version proposed by the president) is opposed by NGOs, civil activists, and journalists alike. The law is repressive in nature and applies to almost anyone who may receive funding for projects or scientific and research grants, as well as royalties for articles. The process is accompanied by defamation campaigns, sometimes supported by Abkhazian politicians.

Civil society representatives view this law as a restriction on civil rights and freedoms, believing it contradicts the constitution of Abkhazia.

The Role of the Human Rights Ombudsman in Abkhazia[9]

Since the adoption of the final version of the law on the "Ombudsman in the Republic of Abkhazia" in 2016, when the ombudsman was no longer appointed by the president but elected by parliament, the ombudsman's office, along with NGOs, has played a significant role in protecting human rights. In 2018, when Asida Shakryl assumed the position of ombudsman, she set high standards for this important state institution. She had participated in drafting the law on the ombudsman and had long worked in the Humanitarian Program Center, one of the oldest human rights organizations in Abkhazia. Under her leadership, the ombudsman's office regularly covered human rights issues and presented annual reports and recommendations to the Parliament of the Republic of Abkhazia. For the first time, human rights, including the issues of ethnic minorities living in Abkhazia, gained significant public attention.

The current ombudsman, Anas Kishmaria, continues to hold regular meetings with various civil society organizations.

NGOs Today

NGOs in Abkhazia play a crucial role in civil society and contribute to positive changes in various areas important to the community:

• Human rights and social protection, including the rights of ethnic minorities, women, children, and people with disabilities. They provide free legal aid to the population in different regions of Abkhazia. Every region has a rehabilitation center for people with disabilities established by NGOs.
• Humanitarian aid and development assistance: A recent example is the COVID-19 pandemic (2020-2021), during which various public organizations united to provide humanitarian aid to the population. A food bank was created, and food assistance was provided to approximately 4,000 people across all regions of Abkhazia, while 1,000 people received medication. A COVID-19 hospital was also operational.
• Environmental protection, sustainable development, and environmental education: NGOs were actively involved in these areas. When the state environmental protection service did nothing against the palm tree pest, NGOs outlined a possible path to saving palm trees in Abkhazia.
• NGOs working on the preservation of Abkhazia’s cultural and historical heritage.
• NGOs focusing on education and implementing educational programs for both teachers and schoolchildren.

Many Abkhazian NGOs publish research, reports, and analyses on various topics. These publications cover human rights, environmental issues, social surveys, and more. They are available to the public and government agencies.

Despite their different focuses, Abkhazian NGOs closely collaborate and support each other in addressing the most important issues facing society, whether it’s environmental concerns, the pandemic, or issues related to the restriction of civil rights and freedoms. The uniqueness of these joint projects is that most of them are based entirely on volunteer work (except for activities related to the COVID-19 pandemic).

There are also various youth movements that are not formally registered but still carry out important and effective environmental work, as well as efforts to help homeless animals. These are not NGOs but are active members of civil society.

Sometimes these groups form spontaneously around a particular challenge or issue. For example, the movement "Khara Kh Pitsunda" ("Our Bichvinta") was formed in 2022 in response to a controversial agreement to transfer part of Bichvinta’s unique peninsula for development.

Initially, modern protests in Abkhazia did not concern elections or demands from political parties but were organized by relatively small groups of young people unafraid to express their opinions openly on difficult issues while the politically active older generation remained silent. They used very unconventional methods of protest for Abkhazia – slogans on cardboard, projecting texts on buildings, and banners in public places featuring quotes from Abkhazia’s first president, famous Abkhazian writers, and public figures. The public supported them, and they served as a catalyst, prompting others to express their views.

Pressure was exerted on this group, including the arrest of several members by law enforcement. However, since they committed no crime, they were released. The movement continues to operate and publicly speaks out on various difficult issues, including the "Law on Apartments," which, in essence, would legalize the sale of property to non-citizens of Abkhazia and is being actively lobbied by the current government. Public organizations criticize this law, increasing tensions with some government representatives who are actively lobbying for it.

Campaigns Against NGOs

Over the past eight years, there have been numerous attempts to discredit NGOs, portraying them as carriers of Western ideas or accusing them of wanting to return Abkhazia to Georgia, as they have participated in negotiations aimed at resolving the conflict. These attempts have failed due to the high credibility of NGO leaders, their transparency, and their unwavering goal to build a socially-oriented, independent, and democratic state. The small population of Abkhazia also played a role – it was impossible to make direct accusations against NGO leaders, as most of the accusations were anonymous. However, the situation changed in the last three years, with accusations becoming more personal and aggressive.

In the last three years, the discrediting efforts have become much more widespread, involving professional political technologists and significant financial resources to gain public support for the adoption of the "foreign agents" law. All of this is being done to primarily limit freedom of expression and weaken public control over the government. Civil activists are protesting against the adoption of the "Law on Apartments" and the sale of state-owned property, as was the case with the transfer of part of Bichvinta’s territory to third parties. The information campaigns aimed at discrediting NGOs were accompanied by various forms of pressure – inspections, fines, defamation of NGO leaders, the publication of personal data, blocking the organizations’ accounts, delaying the issuance of certificates, defamation in social networks, insults, and psychological pressure.

The most open opponent of both local NGOs and international organizations was considered to be Foreign Minister I. Ardzinba, due to his statements, refusal to allow international organization staff and experts into the country, and the activities of the media center he founded. After Ardzinba's resignation in May of this year, the negative information flow on the internet decreased, but other forms of pressure remain.

In Abkhazia, civil society representatives do not resort to rallies, marches, or other forms of "street protests," as these are more associated with political struggle in Abkhazian society. However, public organizations use various methods to defend their positions.

In the last two or three years, efforts to portray Abkhazian NGOs as an anti-Russian movement have increased, although civil organizations criticize only the actions of the Abkhazian authorities. This trend is growing, and criticism is now being heard from central Russian television channels. The situation is exacerbated by the fact that many Abkhazian citizens also hold Russian citizenship, and they may be subject to Russian law when crossing the border.

To strengthen their positions, NGOs are conducting information campaigns to inform the public about how negatively the "foreign agents" law will affect civil society and how it will limit the rights and freedoms of a large part of the population, in addition to controlling the work of NGOs.

Many NGOs that work on social and humanitarian issues – human rights, environmental protection, assistance to people with disabilities, and vulnerable groups – enjoy the support and solidarity of the population. This is because these organizations often provide real assistance to citizens and bring about visible positive changes in public life. However, the population and even members of parliament do not always realize that the law will affect these organizations as well.

NGOs are explaining to the public how such laws can stigmatize organizations and violate the rights of those working on important social, humanitarian, and human rights issues. They explain how this will impact their work – some organizations may completely cease to operate, leaving the population without free legal or rehabilitation assistance, and educational centers for children may close.

NGOs have developed a legal position against the law and mechanisms for filing lawsuits when constitutional rights and freedoms are violated. They actively use the media and social networks to spread information about the potential consequences of the law, organize public discussions and debates.

Representatives of the civil sector are personally meeting with members of parliament, the judiciary, and the public chamber to explain the possible consequences of passing this law.

They are producing internet broadcasts and talk shows where well-known figures and journalists inform the audience about various aspects of NGOs' work. These broadcasts have garnered 50,000 views on YouTube, which is quite a large number for Abkhazia.

More and more reports are being published with infographics that detail, in numbers, the contribution of NGOs to society, the economy, and human rights protection. NGOs are calling on beneficiaries for support.

The small population of Abkhazia means it is not easy to accuse NGO leaders of corruption or treason. When it comes to specific people, who are known to everyone, such accusations are always doomed to fail, as these individuals enjoy the trust and respect of society. This is the main achievement of Abkhazian NGOs.

State pressure may significantly complicate the work of NGOs and reduce their influence on society. However, despite these difficulties, all organizations continue to work and look for new ways to protect their rights and achieve their goals. This requires flexibility, strategic thinking, and seeking support, primarily within Abkhazia, as there are not many actors outside the country willing to support the development of civil society in Abkhazia.

The policy of not recognizing the legitimacy of various institutions by international actors has, to some extent, contributed to the development of a strong civil society in Abkhazia, which is mainly based on internal resources, especially now when financial support for NGOs is limited due to sanctions on Russian banks, and even funds for ongoing projects are not being transferred.

To summarize everything mentioned above, the way non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Abkhazia manage to protect their positions and lobby for the postponement of the adoption of a discriminatory law, under conditions where various methods of pressure exist, including provocations, threats, defamatory information campaigns, and individual interrogations of employees, can be attributed to several key factors:

• The personal authority of public leaders;
• The small population size;
• Efforts to inform the public about the work of NGOs;
• Personal contacts with individual officials and members of parliament;
• Public discussions of the consequences of the adoption of the "Foreign Agent" law with different groups of the population;
• The solidarity and joint work of NGOs.

So far, these strategies, and possibly other governmental legislative priorities, provide an opportunity to oppose this law. Significant factors include the small size of Abkhazia's population, where many people know each other personally, mutual assistance, the transparency of NGOs' activities, and the personal authority of leaders. However, it is clear that the situation could change rapidly with a shift in the political context. Nevertheless, it is also likely that the current status quo will be maintained for some time. There is also a high probability that, if the situation continues and it becomes impossible to transfer funds, the need for the law will simply disappear, as there will no longer be international or foreign funding. It is also likely that most NGOs, under these conditions, will simply no longer be able to continue their work.

This article was prepared as part of a project supported by the Heinrich Böll Foundation's Tbilisi office – "Advocacy for peace and human rights in the context of Georgia's EU integration." The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and may not reflect the views of the Heinrich Böll Foundation's Tbilisi office.